The 1993 constitutional crisis is called the confrontation that arose between the main forces that existed at that time in the Russian Federation. Among the warring parties were the head of state Boris Yeltsin, who was supported by the government headed by Prime Minister Viktor Chernomyrdin and the mayor of the capital Yuri Luzhkov, some people's deputies, on the other hand there was the leadership of the Supreme Council, as well as the vast majority of people's deputies, whose position was formulated by Ruslan Khasbulatov. Also on the side of Yeltsin's opponents was Vice President Alexander Rutskoi.
Prerequisites for the crisis
In fact, the constitutional crisis of 1993 was caused by events that began to develop back in 1992. The climax came on October 3 and 4, 1993, when armed clashes took place in the very center of the capital, as well as near the Ostankino television center. There were no casu alties. The turning point was the assault on the House of Soviets by troops who sided with President BorisYeltsin, this led to even greater casu alties, among which were representatives of the civilian population.
The prerequisites for the constitutional crisis of 1993 were outlined when the parties could not reach a consensus on many key issues. In particular, they concerned various ideas about reforming the state, methods of social and economic development of the country as a whole.
President Boris Yeltsin pushed for the speedy adoption of a constitution that would consolidate strong presidential power, making the Russian Federation a de facto presidential republic. Yeltsin was also a supporter of liberal reforms in the economy, a complete rejection of the planning principle that existed under the Soviet Union.
In turn, the people's deputies and the Supreme Council insisted that all power, at least until the adoption of the constitution, should be retained by the Congress of People's Deputies. Also, people's deputies believed that it was not worth rushing with reforms, they were against rash decisions, the so-called shock therapy in the economy, which Yeltsin's team advocated.
The main argument of the adherents of the Supreme Council was one of the articles of the constitution, which stated that it was the Congress of People's Deputies that was the highest authority in the country at that time.
Yeltsin, in turn, promised to abide by the constitution, but it severely restricted his rights, he called it "constitutional ambiguity".
Causes of the crisis
It is worth recognizing that even today, many years later,there is no consensus on what were the main causes of the constitutional crisis of 1992-1993. The fact is that the participants in those events put forward various, often completely diametrical assumptions.
For example, Ruslan Khasbulatov, who at that time was the head of the Supreme Council, argued that the main cause of the 1993 constitutional crisis was the failed economic reforms. In his opinion, the government has failed in this matter. At the same time, the executive branch, as Khasbulatov noted, tried to relieve itself of responsibility by shifting the blame for the failed reforms to the Supreme Council.
The head of the presidential administration, Sergei Filatov, had a different position on the constitutional crisis of 1993. Answering a question in 2008 about what served as a catalyst, he noted that the president and his supporters tried in a civilized way to change the parliament that existed in the country at that time. But the people's deputies opposed this, which actually led to a rebellion.
A prominent security official of those years, Alexander Korzhakov, who headed the security service of President Boris Yeltsin, was one of his closest assistants, and saw other reasons for the constitutional crisis of 1992-1993. He noted that the head of state was forced to sign a decree on the dissolution of the Supreme Council, since he was forced to do so by the deputies themselves, having taken a number of unconstitutional steps. As a result, the situation escalated to the maximum, only the political and constitutional crisis of 1993 could resolve it. For a long time, the life of ordinary people in the country was deteriorating every day, and the executive and legislative branches of the country could not find a common language. The constitution was completely outdated by that time, so decisive action was required.
Speaking about the causes of the constitutional crisis of 1992-1993, Vice Speaker of the Supreme Council Yuri Voronin and People's Deputy Nikolai Pavlov named, among other reasons, the repeated refusals of the Congress to ratify the Belovezhskaya agreement, which actually led to the collapse of the USSR. It even got to the point that a group of people's deputies, headed by Sergei Baburin, filed a lawsuit with the Constitutional Court, demanding that the ratification of the agreement between the presidents of Ukraine, Russia and Belarus, which was signed in Belovezhskaya Pushcha, be declared illegal. However, the court did not consider the appeal, the constitutional crisis of 1993 began, the situation in the country changed dramatically.
Deputy Congress
Many historians tend to believe that the actual beginning of the constitutional crisis in Russia in 1992-1993 is the VII Congress of People's Deputies. He began his work in December 1992. It was on it that the conflict of authorities passed into the public plane, became open and obvious. The end of the constitutional crisis of 1992-1993. associated with the official approval of the Constitution of the Russian Federation in December 1993.
From the very beginning of the Congress, its participants began to sharply criticize the government of Yegor Gaidar. Despite this, on December 9, Yeltsin nominated Gaidar tochairman of his government, but the Congress rejected his candidacy.
The next day, Yeltsin spoke at the Congress, criticizing the work of the deputies. He proposed holding an all-Russian referendum on the confidence of the people in him, and also tried to disrupt the further work of the Congress by removing some of the deputies from the hall.
On December 11, the head of the Constitutional Court, Valery Zorkin, initiated negotiations between Yeltsin and Khasbulatov. A compromise was found. The parties decided that the Congress would freeze part of the amendments to the constitution, which were supposed to significantly limit the powers of the president, and also agreed to hold a referendum in the spring of 1993.
On December 12, a resolution was adopted that regulated the stabilization of the existing constitutional order. It was decided that the people's deputies would choose three candidates for the post of prime minister, and on April 11 a referendum would be held to approve the key provisions of the constitution.
December 14, Viktor Chernomyrdin is approved as head of government.
Impeach Yeltsin
The word "impeachment" at that time in Russia practically no one knew, but in fact, in the spring of 1993, the deputies made an attempt to remove him from power. This was an important milestone in the constitutional crisis of 1993
On March 12, already at the Eighth Congress, a resolution on constitutional reform was adopted, which actually canceled the previous decision of the Congress regarding the stabilization of the situation.
In response to this, Yeltsin records a televised address,in which he announced that he was introducing a special procedure for governing the country, as well as the suspension of the current constitution. Three days later, the Constitutional Court rules that the actions of the head of state are not constitutional, seeing clear grounds for the head of state's abdication.
On March 26, people's deputies gathered for another extraordinary Congress. At it, a decision was made to call early presidential elections, and a vote was organized to remove Yeltsin from office. But the impeachment attempt failed. By the time of the vote, the text of the decree had been published, which did not contain any violations of the constitutional order, thus, the formal grounds for removal from office had disappeared.
At the same time, the vote was still held. To make a decision on impeachment, 2/3 of the deputies had to vote for him, this is 689 people. The project was supported only by 617.
After the failure of the impeachment, a referendum was announced.
All-Russian referendum
The referendum is scheduled for April 25th. Many Russians remember him according to the formula "YES-YES-NO-YES". That is how Yeltsin's supporters suggested answering the questions posed. The questions on the ballots were as follows (quoted verbatim):
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Do you trust the President of the Russian Federation Boris N. Yeltsin?
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Do you approve of the socio-economic policy pursued by the President of the Russian Federation and the government of the Russian Federation since 1992?
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Do you think it is necessaryholding early presidential elections in the Russian Federation?
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Do you consider it necessary to hold early elections of people's deputies of the Russian Federation?
64% of voters took part in the referendum. 58.7% of voters expressed their confidence in Yeltsin, 53% approved the socio-economic policy.
Only 49.5% voted for early presidential elections. The decision was not made, and early voting for deputies was also not supported, although 67.2% voted for this issue, but according to the legislation in force at that time, in order to make a decision on early elections, it was necessary to enlist the support of half of all voters in a referendum, and not just those who came to the sites.
April 30, a draft of the new constitution was published, which, however, differed significantly from the one presented at the end of the year.
And on May 1, on Labor Day, a mass rally of Yeltsin's opponents took place in the capital, which was suppressed by riot police. Several people died. The Supreme Council insisted on the dismissal of Interior Minister Viktor Yerin, but Yeltsin refused to dismiss him.
Violation of the constitution
In the spring, events began to develop actively. On September 1, President Yeltsin removes Rutskoi from his duties as vice president. At the same time, the constitution in force at that time did not allow the removal of the vice president. The formal reason was Rutskoy's accusations of corruption, which were not confirmed as a result, provideddocuments turned out to be fake.
Two days later, the Supreme Council will initiate a review of the compliance of Yeltsin's decision to remove Rutskoi from his authority. On September 21, the President signs a decree on the start of constitutional reform. It orders the immediate cessation of the activities of the Congress and the Supreme Council, and elections to the State Duma are scheduled for December 11.
By issuing this decree, the president actually violated the constitution in force at that time. After that, he is de jure removed from office, according to the constitution in force at that time. The Presidium of the Supreme Council recorded this fact. The Supreme Council also enlists the support of the Constitutional Court, which confirms the thesis that the president's actions are unconstitutional. Yeltsin ignores these speeches, de facto continuing to fulfill the duties of the president.
Power passes to Rutskoi
September 22, the Supreme Council votes for a bill on the termination of the powers of the president and the transfer of power to Rutskoi. In response, the next day, Boris Yeltsin announces early presidential elections, which are scheduled for June 1994. This again contradicts the current legislation, because decisions on early elections can only be made by the Supreme Council.
The situation is escalating after the attack by supporters of people's deputies on the headquarters of the CIS Joint Armed Forces. Two people are killed in the collision.
On September 24, the Extraordinary Congress of People's Deputies meets again. They approveYeltsin's termination of presidential powers and the transfer of power to Rutskoi. Yeltsin's actions are qualified as a coup d'état.
In response, already on September 29, Yeltsin announced the creation of the Central Election Commission for elections to the State Duma and the appointment of Nikolai Ryabov as its chairman.
Climax of conflict
The constitutional crisis in Russia in 1993 reaches its apogee on October 3-4. On the eve of Rutskoy signs a decree on the release of Chernomyrdin from the post of Prime Minister.
The next day, supporters of the Supreme Council seize the city hall building in Moscow, located on Novy Arbat. Police open fire on demonstrators.
Then follows a failed attempt to storm the Ostankino television center, after which Boris Yeltsin introduces a state of emergency in the country. On this basis, armored vehicles enter Moscow. The building of the House of Soviets is stormed, which leads to numerous casu alties. According to official information, there are about 150 of them, according to eyewitnesses, there may be much more. The Russian Parliament is being shot down from tanks.
October 4, the leaders of the Supreme Council - Rutskoi and Khasbulatov - surrender. They are placed in a pre-trial detention center in Lefortovo.
Constitutional reform
As the constitutional crisis of 1993 continues, it is clear that action must be taken immediately. On October 5, the Moscow Council was dissolved, Prosecutor General Valentin Stepankov was dismissed, in his placeAleksey Kazannik appointed. The heads of the regions that supported the Supreme Council are fired. The Bryansk, Belgorod, Novosibirsk, Amur, Chelyabinsk regions are losing their leaders.
October 7, Yeltsin signs a decree on the beginning of a phased reform of the constitution, effectively taking over the functions of the legislature. Members of the Constitutional Court, headed by the Chairman, resign.
The decree on the reform of local self-government bodies, as well as representative bodies of power, which the president signs on October 9, is becoming important. Elections to the Federation Council are called, a referendum is held on the draft constitution.
New constitution
The main consequence of the 1993 constitutional crisis is the adoption of a new constitution. On December 12, 58% of citizens support her in a referendum. In fact, the new history of Russia begins from here.
December 25, the document is officially published. Elections are also held for the upper and lower houses of parliament. January 11, 1994 they begin their work. In the elections to the federal parliament, the LDPR wins a landslide victory. The electoral bloc "Choice of Russia", the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, "Women of Russia", the Agrarian Party of Russia, the bloc of Yavlinsky, Boldyrev and Lukin, the Party of Russian Unity and Consent and the Democratic Party of Russia also get seats in the Duma. The voter turnout was almost 55%.
February 23, all participants are released, after amnesty.
